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"Methodism in the Channel Islands" by R.D. Moore (1952)

Pages 60-69


Part Three: GROWING IN STRENGTH

1. The Struggle for Liberty of Conscience (a)—(1794-1799)

Now CAME a time of testing for the rank and file of the Methodist Societies in the Islands. There had been a Militia (with compulsory service) in existence for many years. The Revolution in France and the Napoleonic Wars increased the strategic importance of the Islands and naturally stiffened up the discipline of the Militia.

Military drill was usually practised on Sundays. This was acceptable enough to the majority of the able-bodied male inhabitants, who had not the slightest desire to attend Church services and welcomed the heavy drinking and licentiousness which often took place on drill days.

But to Methodists this became an acute problem. They did wish to worship God, and they did know that the Lord's Day was being profanely misused. One Sunday night (probably June 1789) Adam Clarke, speaking to the members of the Society said: 'If I were in your place I would do no more military exercises on a Sunday.' From that day the Jersey Methodists were 'defaulters'. This meant that they were fined for absence and compelled to drill on a working day. They were subjected to the ignominy of being drummed through the town amid the jeers of the populace.

This they had to endure for five years, then in 1794 their position became worse. England was now leading- the European coalition against France, the Islands were fortified and garrisoned, the standard of military efficiency had to be raised, war-fever was at its height. The Methodist attitude appeared unpatriotic, and became highly unpopular. The 'authorities' determined to subdue these troublesome consciences and settle the matter once and for all. It was in Jersey that the struggle was most severe and prolonged.

Charles Blampied of Trinity was the first victim. He was repeatedly fined and imprisoned. (It was a typical eighteenth-century prison with underground dungeons, dark and damp, in the neighbourhood of the present Charing Cross.) The Jersey Methodists presented a petition to the States in which they offered yet again to fulfil the required service on any other day (though to their own disadvantage) and declared their willingness to fight in defence of their Island at any time. They asked for nothing more than respect of their conscientious objections to the Sunday drills. The twenty-eight signatories

deserve grateful remembrance:

Charles Bishop, P. T. Le Gros, Clement Guilleaume, Frs. Gaudin, Thomas Anthoine, Philippe Vivian, John Hepburn, John Sinel, Philippe Picot, Thomas Giffard, Frs. Jeune, Elie Le Blanc, Phil. Norman, Nicholas Bailhache, Wm. Howard, Charles Blampied, Thomas Le Riche, Phil. Le Ruez, Ed. Le Caudais, Phil. Hardelay, John Langlois, John Renon, Abm. Renault, J. Frs. Montbrun, P. Le Sueur, Sen., P. Le Sueur, Jun., John Ahier, Abraham Giffard.

Dean Le Breton was the only clergyman who spoke in their favour and the petition was dismissed with contempt. Jean Lucas of St Ouen's (afterwards a capable local preacher), Pierre Le Sueur, Jun., Clement Guilleaume, John Sinel, Thomas Baudains, Philippe Perchard, and Francois Jeune were also of the 'martyr host' who 'followed in their train'. The details of their conflicts, though too long to be related here, are all worthily preserved. One incident we must record. Philippe Perchard's sweetheart, Catherine Noel, succeeded in smuggling in to him between two pieces of bread (his breakfast) the following verse:

Si la route est facheuse
Le terme est plein d'appas;
Une coronne heureuse
Pour de legers combats!

This is the last verse of Hymn No. 194 in a book published by Brackenbury in 1786. It is precisely in the spirit of Joseph the Hymn-writer's ninth-century theme, which —half a century later—Neale translated as 'O happy band of pilgrims'. Is it possible that Brackenbury had already translated the Latin original into French? Compare it, for example, with

Look upward to the skies,
Where such a light affliction
Shall win you such a prize.

Francois Jeune was the son of the devoted couple who had already endured persecution at St Aubin, and his son became afterwards both Dean of Jersey and Bishop of Peterborough.

 

2. The Struggle for Liberty of Conscience (b)—(1794-1799)

Realising their failure to suppress these determined Methodists by fines and imprisonment, the Jersey Court tried other methods. In 1797 the preacher appointed by Conference, Thomas Simmonite, was expelled from the Island. The following year his successor, Joseph Brookhouse, shared the same fate and until a ship was available was sent to prison. In August 1799 the Court arbitrarily closed' the Methodist place of worship at St Helier.

In October of the same year a further expedient was devised. A Law was passed by the States imposing banishment on all Jerseymen who refused to conform with the laws and usages of the Militia Act. This required Royal Consent in Privy Council, but it was so drawn as to suggest that it was aimed only at the most obdurate offenders. There was no mention of the Methodists nor of their petition.

Adam Clarke and his colleagues in London had already, in 1797. written to William Wilberforce. M.P.. acquainting him with the facts, and had received a sympathetic reply. Wilberforce saw the Secretary of State on the subject, but the Government were unwilling to oppose the Jersey Authorities on such an issue in the prevailing tensions of the period.

The Jersey Methodists determined to send two of their number as a delegation. Philippe Vivian and Pierre Le Sueur, Jun., went first to Portland to interview Brackenbury. Vivian returned to Jersey and Le Sueur went on to London with a letter of introduction to Wilberforce and to the Methodist Ministers in London. Dr Coke was hastily recalled from Manchester, Wilberforce was interviewed, and a petition to the King drawn up. Dr Coke meanwhile wrote personally to several of the Ministers of the Crown.

The Governor of Jersey, being consulted by one of these, replied: 'The rejection of the Act could not but

create a very painful discord between himself and the authorities of the Island.' In communicating this reply to Dr Coke the Minister said he would not be justified in bringing about such a result, and that it would be ill-advised to proceed with the petition.

On 12th December 1798 the Privy Council was held. Dr Coke and Le Sueur were supported by the Revs. John Pawson and Alexander Mather. Le Sueur had the opportunity of stating clearly that Methodists were not refusing to serve but only to drill on Sundays. They were willing to drill on week-days and to pay any extra expense involved. George the Third turned to the Duke of Portland and said outright: 'Portland, I must not have my subjects oppressed in this way.'

The Committee of the Privy. Council reported in the same spirit, and though the whole document is too long for quotation here, the following paragraphs must at least be included for they are the charter of Methodist liberty in the Channel Islands:

The Lords of the Committee, in obedience to your Majesty's said order of reference, have taken the said Act, and also the said petition into their consideration) and do agree humbly to report as their opinion to your Majesty, that the said Act should not receive your Majesty's approbation.

His Majesty having taken the said report into consideration, is hereby pleased, with the advice of His Privy Council, to disapprove the said Act and doth hereby declare the same to be void and of no effect. Whereof the Governor or Commander-in-Chief, Bailiff and Jurats, and all other. His Majesty's officers in the said Island, for the time being, and all other persons whom it may concern, are to take notice and govern themselves accordingly.

Dr Coke was actually commissioned by the Under-Secretary of State to take the official despatch to Jersey. In January 1799 he delivered, it to the Governor, who convened the Colonels of Militia to General Headquarters and communicated the order to them. They received it with a good grace and the States, perforce, had to follow suit. The following appears on the records of the States:

The year one thousand seven hundred and ninety-nine, the twenty-eighth day of January.

The States, having this day heard the reading of an Order of His Majesty in Council, of the 12th December last, annulling the Act of the States of the 18th October last, with relation to those persons who refuse to perform their military service on Sundays, And His Excellency the Commander-in-Chief having also communicated to the States a letter that he has received from My Lord the Duke of Portland of the 4th January 1799 on the same subject, the States have ordered that both the said Order of His Majesty in Council, and an extract of the aforesaid letter, shall be entered on the States book.

 

3. The Struggle for Liberty of Conscience (c)

As we have already indicated the same conflict had been waged in the other Islands. The sufferings of the Methodists m Alderney were ended when the decision of the Privy Council was known. The Methodists were then organised into a separate company—known by the honourable nickname of 'Gideon's army'. Guernsey had mended its way at an earlier date.

Duncan, in his History of Guernsey, says:

"Persecution by overt acts on the part of the mobs had scarcely commenced subsiding when the Methodists had to undergo a trial of a different character. It was customary at that time for the inhabitants—all of whom, between the ages of sixteen and sixty were enrolled in the Militia—to be taught military duty on the Sunday. Several of the Methodists, deeming this practice a violation of the fourth commandment, refused to conform to it, and were, in consequence, repeatedly fined and imprisoned. One of them, who is still living (1841) was, for his refusal to learn the art of war on the Sunday, incarcerated during four months at Castle Cornet, in a miserable cell, which was part of the time exposed to the wind, there being no glass frame to the window, and some of his companions in captivity were common felons. "

In 1794 Henri de Jersey wrote to ask Adam Clarke (then in Liverpool) to advise him on the best way of getting a petition to the King. The reply ends by suggesting that if the course recommended should fail, an attempt should be made to get a personal interview with His Majesty.

We know nothing of the results of this, but in 1796 Dalrymple, who was appointed Lt-Governor to Guernsey, strongly opposed all the vexatious measures that had been adopted. (This is referred to in the letter from the London Methodist Ministers to Wilberforce.)

It is almost incredible that nearly ten years later the worthy Rector of St Andrew's tried in vain to obtain the privilege of liberty for Anglicans. He received no support whatever from his fellow-clergymen, but nevertheless sent his petition to the Duke of York, Commander-in-Chief of the Army. He in turn referred it to the then Lt-Governor who consulted the local authorities, military, civil, and ecclesiastical, on the subject. They, without a single exception, opposed the petition.

Six months afterwards the Rector tried again, but with no better result. It was only later that the right of every citizen to freedom and rest on Sunday was recognised.

 

4. The Work, the Men, and the Hour

Brackenbury and Adam Clarke had preached both in English and in French. After their departure there were no bilingual preachers. The English work was carried on by English preachers, and was almost exclusively confined to the towns; while the French work, which had to rely on native preachers, spread through the rural populations as well as having an influential place in the ports— especially St Helier. Both branches of the work continued for a long time under the same administration.

The English preachers remained in the Islands for the usual short term, while the French preachers (who could not be stationed in English Circuits because of the language limitation) sometimes exercised the whole of their ministry in the Islands—unless (as we shall see later) they were able to undertake missionary work.

Throughout the whole of this period, whether he happened to be the officially recognised chief or not, Jean de Q,uetteville was the abiding leader of the work in all the Islands. It was the practice then for the preachers to exchange every two months—which meant that in his case more than half of his time was spent away from his home and family in Guernsey. He was blunt and direct in speech, of a quick and impulsive temperament—but a Cephas in his virtues as in his defects. Lacking some- what in culture, he was no refined gentleman; but his character was simple and sincere. 'Integrity' is the right word for him, for his life was ‘in one piece’ and wholly given to God. And God used no one more than this man

in the redemption of the Channel Islands.

His frequent absence from home necessitated much correspondence, especially with his wife, and fortunately many of his letters have been preserved. They are not only an intimate revelation of the mind of a Christian saint, but also, for us, an illuminating source of information.

Sometimes in his passionate eagerness he grows discouraged. He would have the victory of God more speedy, more widespread, more abiding. He was sometimes persuaded that he was meant to find other fields of service. Once he volunteered to go to Nova Scotia (this was in 1791) but the Conference said 'No'. By 1818, after thirty-two years of exhausting toil, he had to retire from the 'active' ministry.

It will be well for us to remember the character of the period. The background of our story has been first the aftermath of the American Revolution; then the French Revolution and the Reign of Terror ( 1789-1794) followed by the Napoleonic Wars which shook all Europe. Men's hearts were fearful, their minds were preoccupied—not only by the clash of political philosophies, but by their own perils—and by reason of geography the Channel Islands were in the centre of the storm.

Looking back upon the scene it is to us nothing less than a miracle that the Methodist gospel could have won a hearing at such a time as this: a miracle of Grace on God's part, and a miracle of faithful courage on the part of those men and women who were His fellow-labourers.

 

5. A Roll of Honour

The names of Abraham Bishop and Francois Jeune have already been recorded and both will appear again. Henri Mahy and William Mahy (cousins) both of Guernsey, together with Francois Balliau (Jersey) and Nicholas Mauger (Guernsey), must now be named. All these became Methodist Ministers before the end of the century, and three of them were Missionaries overseas.

Earlier in our narrative the first generation of Jersey Local Preachers appeared: Pierre Le Sueur, Jean

Kingston, Philippe Vivian, and Captain Giffard. To these must now be added the name of Jean Mahy of Guernsey, whose activity as Local Preacher and Class Leader lasted for more than half a century, and to whom the foundation of the work at Les Capelles is largely due. He was one of the first to evangelise Sark.

His preaching cost him something: on returning home he would find his gates open, his cattle in the roads, his trees broken, and his tools either stolen or scattered. On one occasion the persecutors threatened to kill any preacher who attempted to go to St Saviour's on the following Sunday. Jean Mahy told de Quetteville: 'You had better send me. I am the smallest and the weakest and if they kill me it will be no great loss.' They went together and 'the Lord delivered them'. Brackenbury said of him: 'He has light and grace: may he have the wisdom to employ the one and the other to the honour of his Divine Master.' It was an answered prayer.

 

6. The Mission to France (a)—(1791)

'In the summer of 1791 a good Guernsey Methodist named Jean Angel on a business trip to Normandy

landed at a little fishing-port near Caen. (It was the scene of the Normandy landings in 1944) On the Sunday he found a Protestant place of worship. There was no minister. They only received a pastoral visit two or three times a year. Returning in the afternoon he was the only man present and was asked to preside. He asked whether they would welcome a preacher if one were sent, and they said they would.

Greatly moved by the experience, he spoke of it on his return to Guernsey. His friends agreed; William Mahy was asked to go: he at once accepted the call and went. After a few weeks de Quetteville joined him and together they evangelised the villages in the neighbourhood of Caen, where small groups of Protestants had survived in spite of persecution. They were welcomed but made little progress. Where the spirit of Revolution had left any religion at all it was but nominal.

It was the practice among those who still adhered to he Churches to complete their 'religious duties' on the Sunday mornings—the Protestants by attending their' services and the Romanists appearing at Mass. In the afternoon the younger people of both persuasions met together for dancing. The very idea of the complete dedication of mind and life to the Spirit of the Lord Jesus was beyond their grasp.

It was poor soil for Methodist seed, yet after de Quetteville had toiled with him for a month and returned to the Islands, Mahy carried on his task alone and the people grew to like him.

Dr Coke was informed of this new development. It was probably he who obtained the entry on the List of Stations of the item: ‘France: William Mahy.’ On 22nd September he arrived in Jersey, asked de Quetteville to accompany him to Paris with a view to being stationed there, and the same day (following Wesley's lead) conferred on him in the Chapel at St Helier the double ordination of deacon and of elder.

The following day they travelled by sloop to Normandy and joined William Mahy. Realising that his work must not be impeded by any lack of authority Dr Coke ordained him also. Then, with a companion (Gibson) and de Quetteville they went forward to Paris.

It was early in October 1791—and those who recall the story of the time will know the significance of that date.